25 March, 2006

Tim McVeigh

Posted by alex in Tim McVeigh at 4:15 am | Permanent Link


[In spite of the source, this is a thoughtful article.]

The Life and Death of Timothy McVeigh
by John Garvey

Timothy McVeigh is dead. What can we do so that his death and the deaths that he caused do not leave us even farther from the world that we want? I haven’t been to Oklahoma City; I don’t really know what it’s like to visit the scene of the bombing. I don’t know if I would be more affected by the painful memories or turned off by the transformation of meaningful family items (like a stuffed animal) into only sentimental public tokens (like lots of stuffed animals) with no real meaning for most of the people who will look at them. But, especially since the weeks before his execution, I have been struggling to understand the significance of his place in American history.

Timothy McVeigh was an American man at war with America. By the time of the bombing, he appears to have felt no special animosity towards any of his fellow Americans, other than those who worked for agencies he thought to be responsible for assaults against peoples’ rights and freedoms (such as the FBI and the ATF), but he refused to accord Americans any special standing among the peoples of the world. Those of us who believe in good wars waged by the government of the United States, or probably by any government anywhere, need to pay close attention to the deeds and political vision of Timothy McVeigh. His willingness to wage war against his fellow Americans and his political justifications for his actions, meager as his own words on the topic are, should cause the rest of us to stop and think about the ways in which this country wages war and the ways in which that war-making inevitably affects those of us unharmed by the bombs and missiles exploding on our television screens.

Timothy McVeigh was not the agent of any foreign power. He bombed the federal building in Oklahoma City because it housed agencies of the American government that had been responsible for crimes against Americans (specifically, the incineration of Branch Davidians at Waco, Texas and the assault on the Weaver family in Ruby Ridge, Idaho). He refused to acknowledge any distinction between those who gave the orders and those who just worked in those agencies. He also refused to acknowledge any distinction between those who were in that building because of their direct involvement with those agencies and those who were merely engaging in normal interactions with other federal agencies, such as those filing for Social Security benefits. According to Lou Michel and Dan Herbeck, the authors of American Terrorist: Timothy McVeigh & the Oklahoma City Bombing:

McVeigh had considered targeting specific individuals, among them Lou Horiuchi, the FBI sharpshooter who had killed Randy Weaver’s wife, Vicki, at Ruby Ridge. He considered going after a member of the sharpshooter’s family, to inflict the same kind of pain the surviving Weaver’s had experienced. But ultimately he decided that he would make the loudest statement by bombing a federal building. By destroying people who compiled a complete cross-section of federal employees, McVeigh believed that he was showing federal agents how wrong they were to attack the entire Branch Davidian family. In McVeigh’s opinion, every division of the federal government had at one time or another mistreated the public Now, McVeigh decided, was the time to make them all pay.

That’s what happens in war. They all pay — even those whom no one believes should pay. Soldiers die and so do a lot of other people, including children, who play no active role in war-making. (From all accounts, however, McVeigh did not know that there was a childcare center in the building; had he known, he might have changed his plan. He had previously decided not to bomb a federal building in Little Rock, Arkansas because it had a florist shop on the ground floor.)

His concern for protecting some while rather cold-bloodedly anticipating the deaths of others had a logic, albeit a very narrowly constructed one — a soldier’s logic. From Michel and Herbeck:

Timothy McVeigh wanted a body count — the higher the better. The federal government, he reasoned, had unlimited amounts of cash to replace buildings, but the lives of federal employees could not be replaced. He needed to deliver a quantity of casualties the federal government would never forget. It was the same tactic the American government used in armed international conflicts, when it wanted to send a message to tyrants and despots. It was the United States government that had ushered in this new anything-goes mentality. McVeigh believed, and he intended to show the world what it would be like to fight a war under these new rules, right in the federal government’s own backyard.

In one of his relatively few written statements, McVeigh made this connection explicit:

In Oklahoma City, it was family convenience that explained the presence of a day-care center placed between street level and the law-enforcement agencies which occupied the upper floors of the building. Yet when the discussion shifts to Iraq, any day-care center in a government building instantly becomes “a shield.” Think about that.

(Actually, there is a difference here. The administration has admitted to knowledge of the presence of children in or near Iraqi government buildings, yet they still proceed with their plans to bomb — saying they cannot be held responsible if children die. There is no such proof, however, that knowledge of the presence of children existed in relation to the Oklahoma City bombing.)

When considering morality and “mens rea” (criminal intent) in light of these facts, I ask: Who are the true barbarians?

Timothy McVeigh was no “natural born killer.” He was born in 1968 and grew up in the suburbs of Buffalo at a time when those suburbs were being drained of jobs and the predictable, tolerably miserable futures those jobs made possible. His childhood appears to have been filled with ups and downs (probably the biggest “down” being the separation and divorce of his parents), but his experiences were not so different from those of a lot of ordinary kids. His father worked for more than thirty years at Harrison Radiator, a company that provided radiators for GM cars. His grandfather had worked there too. But Tim never did. It’s not clear if he could have. We shouldn’t imagine that there was no way that he could have become connected with that stable world of work and weariness. Even McVeigh had his choices. But his world was not his father’s or mother’s world.

Eventually, he chose the army. And by all accounts, Tim McVeigh was an excellent soldier. He was an especially excellent shot. He got scores on the gunnery range that no one else got. (It’s likely that a good part of the credit for his marksmanship lay with the many hours he spent learning to handle guns and shoot with his grandfather.)

Tim McVeigh got to use his considerable shooting skills on Iraqi soldiers during the Gulf War. And at the moment when his skill brought him praise, his stomach turned. The story’s a bit long but it’s worth knowing. McVeigh was assigned to a Bradley fighting vehicle under a Lieutenant Rodriguez.

…On the second day of the ground war many of the Iraqis were still surrendering, but off in the distance McVeigh’s crew spotted a dug-in enemy machine-gun nest. It was more than a mile away, but Rodriguez knew McVeigh could hit it. He gave the order to fire.

McVeigh saw a flash of light, the apparent source of some Iraqi gunfire. He pressed his forehead against the padded viewfinder, zeroing in on the target. He knew he’d have to adjust his shot slightly to allow for the movement of the rolling Bradley.

An Iraqi soldier popped his head up for a split second.

From his position roughly nineteen football fields away, McVeigh fired, hitting the soldier in the chest. The man’s upper body exploded.

“His head just disappeared … I saw everything above the shoulders disappear, like in a red mist,” McVeigh recalls.

The same shot, a 25-mm high-explosive round with the power of a small grenade, killed another Iraqi soldier who was standing a few feet away from the man whom McVeigh was targeting.

“The guy next to him just dropped,” McVeigh says. “In the military, you’re always supposed to stay at least five meters from anybody, at any time. That’s the minimum fragmentation distance for some weapons.”

It was an astonishing shot.

“Did you see that?” another gunner exclaimed over the radio. “Great shot!”. . .

McVeigh credited the shot to his training, his gunnery skills, and a bit of luck. “I was scanning back and forth. I saw a muzzle flash. That’s where instinct takes over. If you’re trained enough, you do things by instinct that you later attribute to luck.”

Army combat procedures called for McVeigh to fire again. But this time he decided not to follow the book. In his viewfinder, he saw nothing but barren desert and a few surrendering Iraqis.

He stopped shooting…. his lieutenant was not pleased.

“Why’d you stop firing? Keep firing!” Rodriguez said.

“I got ’em, sir,” McVeigh said. “I got ’em.”

Finally, to satisfy the lieutenant, he fired off a few more rounds, far off into the desert. . . .

McVeigh received the Army Commendation Medal for taking out the Iraqis. Lieutenant Colonel Anthony Moreno wrote that McVeigh had inspired members of his platoon by “destroying an enemy machine-gun emplacement, killing two Iraqi soldiers and forcing the surrender of 30 others from dug-in positions.” McVeigh also received four other medals for his service in the Persian Gulf.

But the would-be Rambo was emotionally torn about what he had done. Though he’d been around weapons since he was a boy, this was the first time he had fired at a human being. The two Iraqis were the first lives he had taken. In a way it had been a great thrill, putting his skills to the test and succeeding. But later, as he reflected on his own actions, McVeigh found that his first taste of killing had left him angry and uncomfortable.

As they rolled through the desert, members of McVeigh’s platoon saw horribly wounded enemy soldiers, some of them without arms or legs, trying to crawl along the sand. They saw stray dogs chewing on severed body parts.

At one point, members of McVeigh’s unit were told to help bury the Iraqi dead in the sand. Later, without explanation, they were told to stop the burials and leave the bodies out where they could be seen.

According to a friend knowledgeable about events in the Middle East, at one point in the aftermath of the defeat of Saddam’s forces, American planes gave cover to Saddam’s planes as they shot down Iraqi soldiers attempting to organize a revolt against him. I don’t think McVeigh would have been surprised. Back to Michel and Herbeck:

Saddam, with his belligerent ways, had started this conflict. But now, as part of the massive Allied fighting force, McVeigh felt as if he were one of the bullies, one of a type he had reviled since childhood. Beating the Iraqis was almost too easy.

It still bothered McVeigh to be part of a war that involved no direct threat to the United States. It rankled him further to be part of a United Nations force that, he feared, was eventually planning to take over the world. Though he tried to justify his killing of two Iraqis by telling himself that the Iraqis were trying to fire on Americans, he knew the enemy machine guns had been too far away to do any damage.

“What made me feel bad was, number one, I didn’t kill them in self-defense,” McVeigh says now. “When I took a human life, it taught me these were human beings, even though they speak a different language and have different customs. The truth is, we all have the same dreams, the same desires, the same care for our children and our family. These people were humans, like me, at the core.”

When Timothy McVeigh joined the army, the United States was poised to assert its unique status as military master of the world. At the same time, while the United States enjoyed a prosperity of sorts, it was no longer a prosperity built on unchallenged US supremacy in industry. When he got home, Tim got to choose from among the pluses and minuses of a world without the kind of stable relationship to a job and a wage that his grandfather and father had pretty much taken for granted. Outside of his years in the army, Timothy McVeigh worked in a Burger King, as a security guard (sometimes armed) for a number of firms or as a salesman at a gun shop and gun shows. One of his security guard assignments involved protecting an abortion clinic during right-to-life protests. And his short-lived efforts to get some civil service-type jobs with the New York State or federal governments were unsuccessful. Outside of a couple of brief encounters, he never had a chance to develop the kind of everyday, self-deprecating, boss-hating and sometimes intimate, relationships that are the bread and butter of life in working class America — even in those parts of it most distorted by whiteness. He was not alone. In South Boston, discontented young people sought refuge in drugs and crime and created a profoundly self-destructive alternative solidarity to the solidarity of whiteness and work that was the birthright of their parents and relatives (See All Souls by Michael Patrick MacDonald.) In Detroit, young people found comradeship in gangs linked to neo-Nazi organizations (See The Racist Mind by Raphael S. Ezekiel).

In all cases, the futures were bleak but the visible alternatives never included the possibility of proletarian revolution as a world-civilizing project. Those who advocated rebellion or revolution with these young people presented it as the refusal of civilization rather than its fulfillment. At the same time those who had once, in the all-too-brief moment of the 1960s, been the proponents of a civilizing revolution had for the most part withdrawn to more provincial lives of professional work and the raising of children. They had nothing to say to Timothy McVeigh. And at the time McVeigh decided on his course of action, few of the young activists who have since demonstrated their willingness to confront the organized power of the government on the streets of Seattle, Washington, Philadelphia, Los Angeles and Quebec City had yet revealed themselves to be as disgusted or prepared as he was.

Timothy McVeigh never claimed to be a race traitor but he does not appear to have been a white supremacist. He did not start a race war. He did not start a race riot. He did not participate in a lynching. He did not bomb a black church. He did not plant a white bomb. He killed people considered by the conventions of our time to be black and white. He probably never thought about it but he might not even have considered himself white. He lived and died at a time when whiteness had been splintered but had not yet been replaced by an anti-whiteness that could serve as the groundwork for a renewed American civilization.

The lost possibilities are painful ones. When all too few appear to be willing to act on the strength of their convictions, Timothy McVeigh, more or less on his own, refused to do anything less. McVeigh came back from the Gulf War a different person. At times he was close to breaking down. On one particularly bad day, it was only the unarticulated kindness and care of his grandfather that saved him. It was a simple matter — a couch to sleep on and no questions asked. But even the kindness of his grandfather couldn’t keep him still. He set off from Buffalo and all but jumped from place to place — Florida, Michigan, Nebraska, Arkansas, Arizona. He reminds me of John Brown and Huck Finn — although he mostly used beat up cars rather than a horse or a raft. Staying put was the worst danger of all because you might get used to it. But American rootlessness has its dangers as well.

Let me end with the wisdom of fiction. The author’s notes included at the end of Juneteenth, Ralph Ellison’s posthumously published novel, include the suggestive sentence, “Hickman is ‘Jim’ and Bliss is ‘Huck’ who cut out for the territory.” In Ellison’s novel, Hickman is an almost godly black minister and Bliss is a polished white supremacist whom Hickman had raised. When Huck Finn announces at the end of Mark Twain’s novel that he is setting out for the territory (Oklahoma), he doesn’t realize the danger for his soul when he no longer has the benefit of contact with Jim.

From the moment Timothy McVeigh set out from Buffalo to the moment he arrived in that same Oklahoma, he never had the benefit of sustained contact with the Jims of our day. Had he had it, he might have done something different from what he did. He might even have become the John Brown of our day. It’s a shame he didn’t. We all bear some of the responsibility.

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  3. 15 Responses to “Tim McVeigh”

    1. jimbo Says:

      yeh…..McVeigh had little or nothing to do with that incident….see:
      (lots more at the same site….)
      A truck bomb of ANFO couldn’t have brought down the Murrah building anymore than ‘hijacked’ 767s could have brought down the WTC buildings….and, BTW, car/truck bombs placed on sealed roads DON’T LEAVE CRATERS!……………OKC bombing was just another ZOG production!

    2. Orion Says:

      Fuck that stupid website. Timothy did it, and I just wish I had the half the fortitude to do the same thing. Timothy struck at the greatest enemy the White Race has ever faced, the united states government. May it die a horrible death.

      I pray there are many more Timothy McVeighs coming home from Iraq.

      Rest In Peace Warrior.

    3. Jarek66 Says:

      If he did it, I can understand. Perhaps, it’s only way to survive.

      R.I.P Tim

    4. alex Says:

      McVeigh was certainly involved, there is no doubt about that. However, he did not plan it or think it up, that was the agent provacateur, thoughtfully provided by ZOG and its catspaws.

    5. Tim Says:

      In 1997, explosive experts at Eglin Air Force Base released a study on the effects of explosives against reinforced concrete buildings. They constructed a building for the test similar in design to the Murrah building except that the test building was weaker that the Murrah building, which had 5 times the amount of steel reinforcements and 10 times the amount of steel in its beams.

      The experts detonated 704 pounds of Tritonal (equivalent to 830 pounds of TNT) or approx. 2200 pounds of ANFO, 40 feet away from the structure – the same distance as the OKC bomb. The detonation demolished the six-inch thick concrete wall panels on the first floor but the reinforced steel bars were left intact. The 14-inch reinforcement columns were left intact. The damage to the second and third floors fell off proportionately, unlike the damage at OKC. The 56-page Eglin Air Force report concluded:

      “Due to the conditions, it is impossible to ascribe the damage that occurred on April 19, 1995 to a single truck-bomb containing 4,800 lbs of ANFO. In fact, the maximum predicted damage to the floor panels at the Murrah Building is equal to approximately 1% of the total floor area of the building. …It must be concluded that the damage at the Murrah Federal Building is not the result of the truck-bomb itself, but rather due to other factors such as locally placed charges within the building itself.�

      I believe McVeigh was involved and did blow the truck but that it did not take down the building. This was a case of government atrocity propaganda perpetrated to discredit the Militia Movement which was gaining strength at the time and which died off afterwards. There is a lot more to this story.

    6. nevace13 Says:

      By nevace13
      Those people who have looked at the numerous inconsistencies of the official government story of the bombing of the Alfred Murrah building in Oklahoma know that it is nothing but a pack of lies and that all the available evidence supports an inside job by the government itself. The damage seen on the building could not possibly have been done by a truck bomb outside of the building, only explosive charges placed on the support columns inside the building could have sustained such damage. Only those who had access to the building could have planted those charges and only government agents would have had such access.

      Only a government that desires the creation of a totalitarian police state by enacting freedom destroying anti-terrorist laws would benefit from such an atrocity. No other explanation makes any sense at all. If McVeigh was so appalled at the government slaughter of the innocent men, women, and children in the Waco massacre, why would he want to kill more innocent men, women, and children in Oklahoma?

      The original propaganda effort was trying to put the blame on domestic terrorists by implying militias and right-wing radio talk show hosts were the cause. Brian Levin, associate professor of criminal justice and Director of the Center for the Study of Hate & Extremism at California State University, San Bernardino, declared on televison shows that Timothy McVeigh was the “poster boy of the militias.” President Clinton complained that right-wing radio talk show hosts spent hours on the radio stirring up right wing extremists to commit criminal acts.

      McVeigh’s trial was held in Colorado instead of Oklahoma in violation of the Constitution and presided over by a judge who disallowed any evidence to be presented that might indicate that someone other than McVeigh committed or been involved in the crime and that he and he alone was the sole perpetrator of the crime. With the defense stymied, the verdict of guilty was assured.

      By all accounts McVeigh was a first class soldier, an ideal soldier, who gave 110% and was given the highest performance rating by his superiors. He applied for special forces training but was eventually taken out of special forces because he could not cut it and was subsequently discharged from the Army. Or so we were told, more about this later.

      McVeigh was taken to a penitentiary in Indiana where he was executed by lethal injection by a special government team of executioners. Or so we are told. Now lethal injection is a three phase operation where a barbiturate anesthetic sodium thiopental is first introduced to bring about unconsciousness and is usually given in such high doses that it itself is lethal. Then a muscle relaxant pancuronium bromide is administered to relax the diaphragm muscles to stop the lungs from breathing. Finally potassium chloride is given to stop the heart.

      After the execution a hearse was seen leaving presumably with McVeigh’s body which the waiting reporters and photographers would follow in hopes of getting a story and maybe some pictures of the body. The hearse, curiously, had no license plates or other identifying marking on it. It turned out to be a decoy and we are told McVeigh’s body was secretly taken to the medical examiner in a van where a death certificate was signed and where no autopsy was performed, at McVeigh’s request. The death certificate listed his occupation as soldier. His body was taken to a crematorium and his ashes dispersed at an unknown location instead of normally being given to the next of kin, again at his request.

      Gregg Jarrett of MSNBC interviewed execution witness Susan Carlson of WLS Chicago radio on television where she said that she saw McVeigh doing shallow breathing or appearing to be breathing after he was declared dead. Whoops, the pancuronium bromide should have taken care of that in the second injection of the execution.

      Curiously the last task for intern Chandra Levy, who was supposedly murdered mysteriously and only some bones found as evidence, was in the prison system making arrangements for McVeigh’s execution.

      Soldiers with special qualifications are sometimes taken by the CIA for covert black operations. Records are fudged to show they were discharged when in fact they were not. This is called “sheep dipping.” Connecting the dots could lead one to believe McVeigh was a sheep dipper who completed his mission and went out the back door to who knows where. The last person other than government agents to see McVeigh said she saw him breathing after he was declared dead. Only those attending government agents know for sure whether he is really dead. Would the government lie to us?

    7. Carl Loerbs Says:

      An interesting sidelight is the treatment of Terry Nichols. Nichols was sentenced to natural life by the Federal system. However, this was not good enough for Oklahoma, then governed by the former FBI agent Frank Keating. Thanks to Keating, Oklahoma taxpayers were required to spend over a million dollars trying Terry Nichols for a second time, this time under “state” charges (still in effect unconstitutionally trying someone twice for the same offense), simply because the death penalty would be available. Now Terry Nichols was already buried forever in the Federal system, virtually inaccessible to the public. Was Frank Keating so afraid the Nichols might tell a different story someday that he was willing to throw away millions of Oklahoma tax dollars in the hope of silencing him permanently?

    8. alex Says:

      There was at least one woman who saw strange people bringing stuff into the basement at OKC. I don’t have the link, but the parallels to WTC are direct.

    9. Tim Says:

      There were several women who saw several suspicious men working with wire and a small putty colored block (C4?) in the underground garage of the Murrah Building on the Friday before the bombing. One of the women, Jane Graham, said that the FBI agent scheduled to interview her never showed up for the interviews and when she called him, he told her that he was only interested if she could identify McVeigh or Nichols.

      You can read Jane Graham’s statement here: http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/POLITICS/OK/bombs/bombs.html

    10. wayne h. Says:

      There is the stange case of Kenneth Trentadue who was suicided by the FBI in federal Prison .His brother Jesse is a lawyer in Utah and discovered he was beat to death .He sued the gov. for a million and won. The feds thought he was John Doe #2 and tried to beat a confession out of him.There are many documents that are sealed or “lost” about that case .And then there is Adreas Straussmier a suspected gov. agent who was ID’d as John Doe#2 who left the coutry some time after the bombing. I believe this is an inside job all the way to set up WN as terrorists. The infamous “MO DEES” of the SPLC was bragging about having a mole at Elohim City feeding info abut the plot to the feds.

    11. redbeard Says:

      jordan maxwell laughs at the idea that a truck full of cow poop blew up a building.

    12. ApeHangerz Says:

      I agree with Orion.

    13. -JC Says:

      When considering agents provocateur, mailing list aggregators, and identifier of useful idiots, present at Ruby Ridge and the Elohim City area, don’t forget George Eaton– The Patriot Report publisher and associate of Strassmeir.

    14. Frederick Lukens Says:

      yeah Tim McVeigh did it but he was the patsy,fall guy;just like Oswald,Jack Ruby and Randy Weaver were silenced by the government back then.That whole thing(Murrah Building) was too big of a scale for any one man to do.That was thought out just like the Kennedy assassination.

      God bless you in the battlefields,Soldier boy.

      Frederick Lukens,Croydon,Pa.19021

    15. Chris R Says:

      Tim, Rest in peace Brother. I wish we had more God fearing Soldiers as you. I hope their are Thousands like us waiting for the right time to show this Nigger run goverment, The true reason we are at war. the goverment is not for the people or by the people, it is against the people. Rest my brother, Others are waiting to AVENGE your MURDER, Soon very soon. White Power