[Yes, I know many people are going to jump on this and say what bullshit, but Kevin MacDonald would probably agree with this Jew. Its KMac's theory about explicit racist versus implicit racist. Or to put it another way, the whites with the balls to be WNs versus the whites who don't have the balls to admit it. IOW, there's millions of white people out there who are WN, but just don't know it. If you don't know what I'm talking about then you need to educate yourself on this theory. Once you understand this, its becomes obvious why the Jews attack who they do. For example, why do the Jews relentlessly and vociferously mock, smear, and attack Sarah Palin? Yes, I know she's supposedly pro-Israel and her husband has some amount of non-white blood, but these details are irrelevant to the Jews. What matters to them is the public image of Palin as an attractive, conservative, white woman, who's only been married once, a Christian, who opposes both abortion and homosexuality, and has lots of kids. She's an anathema and completely diametrical to the kind of women the Jew wants as media icons. No, the Jew wants our people either idolizing nigger women (Michele Obama, Oprah) or white women who are sluts, dope heads, race-mixers, adopting mud babies, bisexuals, lesbians, feminists, etc.]

http://www.publiceye.org/magazine/v24n2/book-blood-politics.html

Public Eye - Summer 2009 Vol. 24, No. 2

A Longtime Anti-Racism Activist’s Take on History

Reviewed by Loretta J. Ross

Blood and Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement from
the Margins to the Mainstream - By Leonard Zeskind (Farrar, Straus and
Giroux, 2009, 656 pages, $37.50 cloth.)

Loretta Ross is National Coordinator of SisterSong, the women of color
reproductive health collective based in Atlanta. She is coauthor of
Undivided Rights: Women of Color Organize for Reproductive Justice.

It is so irritating to watch Pat Buchanan on MSNBC. There he was on
Morning Joe, blaming the financial crisis on banks lending to people of
color. His makeover as a respectable “conservative” pundit –
conveniently forgetting his racist, homophobic, and anti-Semitic
slippages – is a testament to the power of the mainstream media to shape
a Wonderland world Alice would have recognized.

Thank goodness for Leonard Zeskind’s long-awaited book. It has restored
my faith in the power of truth to trump travesty.

Thirty years in the making, Blood and Politics reads like a political
thriller that details intimate knowledge about the origins, history,
leaders and activities of the White supremacist groups in the United
States. But Zeskind’s book is no laundry list. His analysis helps us
make sense of the netherworld of ideas and relationships that populate
and bind together denizens of the Far Right, the Religious Right, and
the ultra-conservative movements he places under the banner of “White
nationalism.”

His argument is straightforward. White nationalists are part of a single
movement who embrace one of two strategies: they either work in the
mainstream or serve as a vanguard outside the mainstream. This is a
classic bullet-or-ballot struggle within the movement, as people
oriented one way or the other compete for validity, followers and money.
Regardless of their strategic differences, he argues these are two wings
of the same movement that share a common goal: to place the
“dispossessed majority” of White people permanently in control of the
future of our country.

The bullet sector believes it is a vanguard movement, a small set of
individuals and organizations who will lead the duped majority of White
people into recognizing that their alleged racial identity forms a
nation under threat by all who do not share their supposed race,
particularly Jews and people of color. Tactics chosen by this vanguard
movement often include violence, threats of violence, and intimidation.
They are to be found mostly below the mainstream media’s radar until one
of their warriors, like Timothy McVeigh, blows up a federal building in
Oklahoma to commemorate the Waco tragedy.

The ballot wing of the movement believes in mainstreaming by entering
the fringes of electoral politics, either as Republicans, Democrats,
Libertarians, Populists or another third party. They seek to persuade a
majority of people to support their views, if not their candidacies.
Typified by former Klansman David Duke in the past, and currently by Pat
Buchanan, this sector believes that the views of the White
nationalist/White supremacist movement can again become the dominant
values of our society. Disavowing the violence and gutter epithets of
their vigilante cousins, time and repetition are their tactics as they
seize upon every opportunity to claim that White people (or Western
Civilization) are under attack.

They’ve even won over a few people who are not White to their cause as
they target immigrants and gays.

Zeskind debunks several myths often propagated by other researchers. He
warns against stereotyping White nationalists as men “with chewing
tobacco” in their cheeks. Instead, they could be blue collar and working
class, polished business leaders, millionaires, or academics with PhDs.
Also, he says the rise and fall of White supremacy cannot be linked
simply to economic and business cycles as the victimized look for
scapegoats to explain their condition. Their tactics, at least, are
shaped by other factors, says Zeskind, such as whether they believe
their mainstreaming strategy is working, and whether they expect serious
consequences from law enforcement authorities. When they perceive
themselves as closer to the levers of power, they tend to favor their
mainstreaming strategies. When they believe they have been relegated to
the fringes, they default to vanguardism, and sometimes violence.

Blaming the economy for the actions of White supremacists is like a
drunk blaming alcohol when he batters his wife. In each case, it’s an
excuse, not a cause.

The serious economic crisis facing this country may lubricate the anger
of White supremacists, particularly now that we have an African-American
President. However, they would have felt marginalized by any president
who did not share their values and speak to them in coded signals.
Remember Ronald Reagan making his first speech as the GOP’s 1980
Presidential contender in Philadelphia, Mississippi, the site of the
murders of three civil rights activists?

Pat Buchanan is now the sanitized version of White supremacy we have to
watch everyday. Like his counterpart on CNN, Lou Dobbs, he stokes the
anger of the reputedly dispossessed majority with fear mongering more
subtly than Rush Limbaugh or Sarah Palin, but he is no less dangerous.
The mainstreamers send unambiguous messages to their violent subculture
that potentially turns threats into actions.

Zeskind’s research demands that we warily watch for an escalation of
violence by those feeling disenfranchised and out of power. The book
stops short of predicting an all-out White revolution. He does suggest
that in about 40 years when the majority of people in this country are
no longer classified as White, alienated White people could become more
vulnerable to being recruited by the White nationalist movement.

My only disappointment with the book is that it ended rather abruptly.
Only a few pages were devoted to predicting where and how the White
supremacist movement might resurge in the 21st century. I’ve learned
from Zeskind, both from the book and from our years working together,
that they never retreat – just regroup.